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From the book:
For Which We Stand;
The Life and Paper's of Rufus Easton. Also covered in Owen Lovejoy and other books. See
above book for more details on the trial in which these murders
were acquitted for Lovejoy's assassination and the articles Lovejoy
wrote which killed him.
The Crucifixion
of Elijah Parish Lovejoy - For Printing a Press
on November 7, 1837 - Read About a Man with Conviction!
He could not give up truth for safety and life----no not even
for wife and child. Elijah P. Lovejoy was a native of Maine,
a graduate of Waterville College. He settled in St. Louis, Missouri,
and attained a high reputation as editor of a newspaper there.
He became a clergyman, and at length an abolitionist. After the
burning of a black man M'Intosh, at St. Louis, he spoke out in
his newspaper about the atrocity of the deed, and exposed the
iniquities of the district judge, and of the mob which overawed
Marion College and brough t two
of the students before a Lynch Court.
1860 photograph of Colonel Alton
Easton a year before being appointed Inspector General of Missouri's
militia. Born in 1807, first white American born in Louisana
Territory had the priviledge of having his name sake tarnish
with assassination. In the end it was Alton who was in charge
on judgement day. Alton Easton was in charge of 55,000 troops
of the Missouri Militia. His brother supplied Sherman's army
100,000 troops and was Chief Quartermaster at one time of both
Grant and Sherman's army.
For this, his press and types were destroyed by being thrown
in the Mississippi River. Lovejoy then established himself on
the opposite side of the river, in the free state of Illinois.
But the town of Alton, in which he set up his press, was as dangerous
to him as if it had stood in a slave State like Missouri.
Two more times his property was annihilated in the same manner,
without the slightest alteration of conduct on his part. His
paper continued to be the steady, dispassionate advocate of freedom
and reprover of violence. In October of 1837, he wrote to a friend
in New York, to unburden his full head and heart. After having
described the fury and murderous spirit of his assailants, and
the manner in which for weeks his footsteps had been tracked
by assassins, he proceeded---
"And now, my dear brother, if you ask what are my own feelings
at a time like this, I answer, perfectly calm, perfectly resigned.
Though in the midst of danger, I have a constant sense of security
that keeps me alike from fear and anxiety. I read the Bible,
and especially the Psalms, with a delight, a refreshing of soul
I never knew before. God has said, 'As thy day is, so shall thy
strength be;' and he has made his promise good. Pray for me.---We
have a few excellent brethren here, in Alton. they are sincerely
desirous to know their duty at this crisis, and to do it: but
as yet they cannot see that duty requires them to maintain their
cause here, at all hazards. Of this be assured, the case of truth
still lives in Illinois, and will not defenders. Whether our
paper starts again will depend on our friends, East, West, North,
and South. So far as it depends on me, it shall go forward. By
the blessing of God, I will not abandon the enterprise so long
as I live, and until success has crowned it. And there are those
in Illinois who join me in this resolution. And if I am to die,
it cannot be in a better cause. Your's till death or victory,
E.P. Lovejoy."
Death and victory were now both at hand. Two or three weeks after
this letter was written, he was called before a large meeting
of townsmen on a singular affair. A committee of gentlemen was
appointed to mediate between the editor of the Alton Observer
and the mob. They drew up a "compromise Resolutions,"
so called, which yielded everything to the mob, and required
of Lovejoy to leave the town of Alton. One member of the committee,
Mr. Gilman, remonstrated: but he was overborne. Lovejoy was summoned,
and required to leave the place. He listened till the chairman
had said what he had to say, and then stepped forward to the
bar. There with grisly Murder peeping over his shoulder, he bore
his last verbal testimony in the following unpremeditated address,
reported by a person present:
"I feel, Mr. Chairman, that this is the most solemn moment
of my life. I feel, I trust in some measure, the responsibilities
which at this hour I sustain to these my fellow-citizens, to
the church of which I am a minister, to my country to God. And
let me beg of you, before I proceed further, to construe nothing
I shall say as being disrespectful to this assembly; I have no
such feeling; far from it. And if I do not act or speak according
to their wishes at all times, it is because I cannot conscientiously
do it. It is proper I should state the whole matter, as I understand
it, before this audience. I do not stand here to argue the question
as presented by the honorable gentleman (Hon. Cyrus Edwards--Whig
Candidate for Congress) for whose character I entertain great
respect, though I have not the pleasure of his personal acquaintance:
my only wonder is how that gentleman could have brought himself
to submit such a Report.
"Mr. Chairman, I do not admit that it is the business of
this assembly to decide whether I shall or shall not publish
a newspaper in this city. The gentlemen have, as the lawyers
say, made a wrong issue. I have the right to do it. I know that
I have the right to speak and publish my sentiments, subject
only to the laws of the land for the abuse of that right. This
right was given me by my Maker, and is solemnly guaranteed to
me by the constitution of these United States, and of this State.
What I wish to know of you is whether you will protect me in
the exercise of this right, or whether, as heretofore, I am to
be subjected to personal indignity and outrage. These resolutions,
and the measures proposed by them, are spoken of as a compromise;
a compromise between two parties.
Mr. Chairman, this is not so; there is but one party here.
It is simply a question whether the law shall be enforced, or
whether the mob shall be allowed, as they now do, to continue
to trample it under their feet, by violating with impunity the
rights of an innocent individual. Mr. Chairman, what have I to
compromise? If freely to forgive those who have so greatly injured
me; if to pray for their temporal and eternal happiness; if still
to wish for the prosperity of your city and State, notwithstanding
all the indignities I have suffered in it; if this be the compromise
intended, then do I willingly make it. My rights have been shamefully
and wickedly outraged; this I know and feel, and can never forget;
but I can and do freely forgive those who have done it.
"But if by compromise is meant, that I should cease doing
that which duty requires me, I cannot make it. And the reason
is, that I fear God more than I fear man...
"When assailed by a mob in St. Louis, I came here as
to the home of freedom and of the laws. the mob have pursued
me here, and why should I retreat again? Where can I be safe,
if not here? Have I not a right to claim the protection of the
laws? and what more can I have in any other place? Sir, the very
act of retreating will embolden the mob to follow me wherever
I go. No, sir, there is no way to escape the mob but to abandon
the path of duty; and that, God helping me, I never will do.
"It has been said here that my hand is against every
man, and every man's hand against me. The last part of the declaration
is too painfully true. I do indeed find almost every hand lifted
against me, but against whom in this place has my hand been raised?
I appeal to every individual present; whom of you have I injured?
whose character have I traduced? whose family have I molested?
whose business have I meddled with? If any, let him rise here
and testify against me. --- No one answers.
"...You may hang me up as the mob hung up the individuals
at Vicksburg; you may burn me at the stake as they did M'Intosh
at St. Louis; you may tar and feather me, or throw me into the
Mississippi, as you have often threatened to do. I, and I alone,
can disgrace myself; and the deepest of all disgrace would be,
at a time like this, to deny my Master by forsaking his cause.--He
died for me, and I were most unworthy to bear his name, should
I refuse, if need be, to die for him.
Again, you have been told that I have a family who are dependent
upon me, and this has been given as a reason why I should be
driven off as gently as possible. It is true, Mr. Chairman, I
am a husband and a father, and this it is that adds the bitterest
ingredient to the cup of sorrow I am called to drink. I am made
to feel the wisdom of the Apostle's advice, 'It is better not
to marry.' I know, sir, that in this contest, I stake not my
life only, but that of others also. I do not expect my wife will
ever recover from the shock received at the awful scenes through
which she was called to pass at St. Charles. And how was it the
other night on my return to my home? I found her driven the garret
through fear of the mob, who were prowling round my house. And
scarcely had I entered the house ere my windows were broken by
the brickbats of the mob, and as he so alarmed as rendered it
impossible for her to sleep or rest that night. I am hunted as
a partridge on the mountain. I am pursued as a felon through
your streets; to the guardian power of the law I look in vain
for that protection against violence, which even the vilest criminal
may enjoy. Yet think not that I am unhappy.---Think not that
I regret the choice I have made; while all around me is violence
and tumult, all is peace within. An approving conscience and
the rewarding smile of God are a full recompense for all that
I forego, and all that I endure. Yes sir, I enjoy a peace which
nothing can destroy. I sleep sweetly and undisturbed, except
when awakened by the brickbats of the mob.
"No sir, I am not unhappy; I have counted the cost, and
stand prepared freely to offer up my all in the service in God.
Yes sir, I am fully aware of all the sacrifice I make, in here
pledging myself to continue the contest until the last. (Forgive
these tears. I had not intended to shed them, and they flow not
for myself, but for others.) --But I am commanded to forsake
father and mother, and wife and children for Jesus' sake; and
as his professed disciple I stand pledge to do it. the time for
fulfilling this pledge in my case, it seems to me has come. Sir,
I dare not flee away from Alton; should I attempt it, I should
feel that the angel of the Lord with his flaming sword was pursuing
me wherever I went. It is because I fear God, that I am not afraid
of all who oppose me in this city. No sir, the contest has commenced
here, and here it must be finished. Before God and you all, I
here pledge myself to continue it, if need be, till death; and
if I fall, my grave shall be made in Alton."
A few days after on November 7, 1837 Elijah P. Lovejoy was
murdered in Alton, Illinois. His office was surrounded by an
armed mob, and defending from within by a guard furnished by
the Mayor of Alton. When the attack was supposed to be over,
Lovejoy looked out to reconnoiter. He received five bullets in
his body, was able to reach a room on the first floor, declared
himself fatally wounded, and fell on his face dead. His age was
thirty-two.
Upon the news all over the United States it was heard "The
spirit of Lovejoy is rising among the farmers, and Lovejoy will
yet conquer the State...I have just hear of the murder of Lovejoy
at Alton. He was shot by an armed mob. Now he will indeed conquer
the State, and, I trust the nation. I meant to have given you
my budget of gossip; but my heart is very full, and I cannot
write more now."
E. P. Lovejoy's brother Owen Lovejoy carried on his crusade
and became Abraham Lincoln's closest friend in Congress. It was
Owen Lovejoy who abolished slavery First in these United States
in 1862 as a Congressman in the District of Washington D.C. Abraham
Lincoln purchased the headstone when Owen Lovejoy passed away
in 1864. Lincoln said "Owen was my best friend in Congress."
As a young man Abraham Lincoln voted against passing a bill to
stop abolitionists from writing against slavery. This bill was
aimed at Elijah P. Lovejoy and Lincoln would have no part of
it way back in the 1830s.
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